Тред №77736

Несколько дней назад на форуме высказывалось^* предположение

Цитатаеще у меня есть гипотеза, что это - подрыв существующей системы договоров, а не только хартии, - и было одной из целей конфликта.

в которой одной из целей конфликта обозначена инициализация рассмотрения предложений России по переустройству архитектуры безопасности, сделанное Медведевым в Берлине.
Пришла новость из Берлина:
"
Вице-канцлер, министр иностранных дел Германии Франк-Вальтер Штайнмайер призвал избранного президента США Барака Обаму принять предложения президента РФ Дмитрия Медведева по обновлению архитектуры европейской безопасности.

Штайнмайер советует Обаме перестроить отношения с Россией на новой основе для поиска совместных ответов на глобальные вызовы, говорится в анонсе открытого письма главы германского МИД новому американскому лидеру, которое будет опубликовано в понедельник в очередном номере журнала "Шпигель".

Немецкий политик также подверг резкой критике нынешнее положение дел в НАТО и требует проведения серьезной реформы союза. По мнению Штайнмайера, члены НАТО "слишком долго уклонялись от честной дискуссии относительно задач (альянса)". Североатлантический альянс нуждается в новой ориентации, считает глава гермнаского внешнеполитического ведомства.
"
Глава МИД Германии советует Обаме перестроить отношения с РФ

^*к сожалению, не могу полностью вытащить сообщение - хотя нагуглил легко. Буду признателен, если сообщение будет вытащено полностью(ссылка).

 А вот на перевод нет времени:(перевод самого интерсного куска таки сделал и вставил в текст. Dobryak)



The US and Europe Standing Shoulder to Shoulder'

In a letter to Barack Obama, German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier offers the US president-elect a "new dimension of cooperation" in trans-Atlantic relations. He foresees the US and Europe standing shoulder to shoulder and says Germany will "step up its contribution" to help create a stable Iraq.

Dear Barack Obama:

Last July, hundreds of thousands gathered before the Victory Column in Berlin to hear your vision of a better America and a more peaceful world. Your words moved millions of TV viewers. You rekindled the American dream for which countless people the world over have admired your country for more than 200 years, the dream of a society that has the power to change, that is open to new ideas, and that gives those with courage room to take their destiny into their own hands.

FROM THE MAGAZINE
Find out how you can reprint this DER SPIEGEL article in your publication.
In a few days time you will take office as the 44th President of the United States of America. I am now 53 years of age, and never before to my recollection has there been such a feeling of hope and confidence about the inauguration of a US president -- not only here in Germany, but worldwide.

The expectations placed in you are almost beyond the human dimension, and the challenges you will face from day one are huge: a still-fragile financial system, an economy heading for recession, and an uncertain, changing world.

An impossible task? In any case one requiring courage, circumspection and stamina, and to be sure also new thinking that challenges old ideas and seeks new routes.

Your campaign was thrilling. You gave people, in the US and beyond, enthusiasm for a new start towards a shared future. You want to act in a spirit of partnership and to embark on a new course. This is why we see your incoming Administration above all as an opportunity, at this particular juncture, also for us here in Germany.

The tasks we are facing are enormous: to create a transparent and reliable global financial architecture; to combat the economic crisis; to revamp the global institutions; to create new trust between East and West; to build bridges between different cultures and religions that know little about one another; to bring peace and new prospects to places where today crisis holds sway; to take effective steps against climate change; to achieve global disarmament instead of the proliferation of ever more dangerous weapons.

All these aims can only be realized together. No country in the world, even the most powerful, can solve even one of these problems alone.

Together -- that means the US and Europe standing shoulder to shoulder. During the Cold War the West Germans benefited from America's commitment to freedom and democracy. Americans and Germans enthusiastically celebrated the fall of the Berlin Wall together. After that, however, our relations all too often became daily routine. At times in recent years I was concerned that our links might become looser. But we must not become indifferent to each other, especially at this crucial time, as in an increasingly uncertain world we need to enter a whole new dimension of cooperation. Together we can continue to shape the 21st century world -- if we make a courageous new start, place the central issues of humanity at the center of our attention, and seek joint answers to the questions posed by the future. Let us together set out a "New Trans-Atlantic Agenda" and bring it to life.

1. Working Together for Stability in Conflict Regions

Looking for partners, reducing enmities -- nothing is more important in a world in which radical elements still use religious and cultural differences as a pretext to stir up hatred. Clearly no one can tolerate a situation in which extremists threaten the very foundations of our society with violence and terrorism. Every country has a duty to defend its values, security and the safety of its citizens.

But no battle, even one against terrorism, is worth undermining the achievements of our own civilization, thus compromising democracy and the rule of law. For that reason I am pleased that you intend to close the prison camp in Guantanamo. One of the most difficult issues arising from this is what to do with the released detainees. I am sure the international community will not abandon your new Administration in dealing with this task.

I am convinced that not even the strongest military forces can conquer terrorism and hatred alone. Peace will only be possible if we can convince people that there is a better alternative to enmity and violence, if we can win over their hearts and minds, if we help to create economic development and give people an opportunity to escape from poverty, and if we seek dialogue even, and especially, in difficult situations.

Because the world's economic and political balances are shifting, we are less and less able to take our Western values for granted. On the contrary, we must convince others of their advantages, build bridges, and foster mutual understanding. A policy of isolationism, a policy of closed borders is, in the final analysis, a policy of weakness. Those who act in this way demonstrate that they are perhaps no longer so certain about their values after all. I firmly believe that our shared values are strong enough to convince any interlocutor.

This is especially true in the Middle East. Recent events in Gaza show how quickly the modest progress towards peace can again be jeopardized. I have no doubt that the Middle East will be one of your new Administration's top priorities. We want to closely cooperate with you here: more than ever, only dialogue and cooperation, not suicide bombings and Qassam missiles, can lead to lasting peace. New trust and stability in the Middle East can only flourish under a system involving all the region's major stakeholders.

This can have limits, as we see with Iran. Dialogue can only lead to results if the other partner also wants to play along. If there is no willingness to adhere to international rules, cooperation is impossible. This is why the international community has very specific, non-negotiable expectations of Tehran -- no support for terrorism and violence in the region, no nuclear weapons. Nevertheless, to offer Iran a dialogue is neither a sign of weakness nor a concession -- it is sensible. For that reason I encourage you and your team to take that road, as you have announced.

Stability in this region will also be decided in Iraq. You and I were against the war six years ago, for good reason. Today our joint task will be to go forward and help the people of Iraq to create a stable and democratic society. My country will step up its contribution, particularly in the areas of health care and training. I will soon see for myself exactly where and how this could happen when I visit Iraq.

Together we are also working hard to achieve a bright future for Afghanistan. You have announced not only more troops, but also more commitment to reconstruction. We too favor a comprehensive approach to peace. We must, step by step, enable the Afghans to finally provide for their own country's security. To this end we have again increased our engagement. However, building roads, schools and water-mains is equally important. That is also our -- shared -- priority.

Part 2: Shared Security from Vancouver to Vladivostock

2. Working Towards Security in Both East and West

The end of the Cold War, 20 years ago, was followed by major plans -- for a pan-European peace order, a zone of shared security stretching across the whole northern hemisphere, from Vancouver to Vladivostok. We are unfortunately still a long way from achieving these aims. Cold War thinking not only still hangs over us like shadows of the past. That thinking still seems to control some peoples' minds. Mistrust reigns instead of confidence and joint action for the future.

Dear Barack Obama, you are part of a new generation. In 1989, when the Wall fell, you were 28 years old, and are thus less influenced by the categories of the Cold War than any of your predecessors. On the contrary, in your Berlin speech you called for an end to Cold War mindsets and for all of us to strive for a partnership encompassing the entire continent, including Russia.

Let us take Russia's President Medvedev at his word. He too comes from a new generation, being four years your junior. He too has put forward proposals. Let us talk confidently about how a new security architecture might look. Let us together consider new structures for the global era, without expecting results to happen overnight, and without questioning what has been the solid basis of our security over the past decades: We will continue to need NATO in the future. But too often we have postponed an honest debate about tasks by concentrating on enlargement and related issues. Today we need a new fundamental understanding on where the Alliance is headed -- something like a new Harmel Report, with which NATO, 40 years ago, reoriented itself during a critical phase in its history.

In a first concrete step we must regain lost confidence, for example with joint disarmament initiatives. The Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) must be urgently reformed and preserved. On nuclear disarmament, too, we need movement from both the Russian and American sides. Only when Russia and the US take the lead will we be able to effectively counter the uncontrolled proliferation of nuclear weapons.

My impression is that you are thinking very much along the same lines. Let me tell you that here, too, you have a partner in us.

Таки переведу наспех самое интересное (раздел на английском cверху)

За концом Холодной войны 20 лет назад  последовали большие планы --- пан-Европейского мира, зоны разделяемой безопасности на все северное полушарие от Ванкувра до Владивостока. К Сожалению, мы все еще далеки от их реализации. Менталитет  Холодной  войны все еще в нас как тень прошлого, все еще не оставляет некоторых. Недоверие превалирудет над доверием и совсместными действиями во имя будущего.
Дорогой Барак Обама, вы из нового поколения. Когда в 1989 рухнула (Берлинская) стена, Вам было 28, и Вы не так заражены категориями Холодной войны, как Ваши предшественники. В Вашей Белинской речи (летом 2008) вы призвали освободится от мышления Холодной войны и к партнерстви в рамках всего континента, включая Россию.

Примем на веру слова президента Медведева. Он тоже из нового поколения, на 4 года моложе Вас. От тоже выдвинул свои предложения. Давайте заговорим твердо о том, как будем выглядеть новая архитектура безопасности. Вглыдимся в нивые структуры  эры глобализации, не ожидая чуда поутру, и не отбрасывая то, что было твердым осванием нашей безопасности в прошлом. Мы не обойдемся без НАТО в будущем. Но слишком часто мы отмахивались от серьёзного обсуждения (будущего)
в угаре расширения. Сегодня мы нуждаемся в капитальном понимании того, куда стремится НАТО --- в чем-то вроде плана Хаммеля, который был основой переориентации НАТО в его критическую фазу 40 лет тому назад.

Как первый конкретный шаг мы должны восстановить утраченное доверие, начав, к примеру, с инициатив по разоружению. Соглашение по Обычным Вооружениям в Европе должно быть пересмотрено и сохранено. И в ядерном разоружении мы нуждаемся в совместных шагах России и США. Только когда Россия и США встанут во главе процесса, мы сможем предотвратить бесконтрольное распространение ядерного оружия.

Мне представляется, что и Ваши мысли идут в йтом же направлении. Я вам скажу, что в этом мы будем Вашими партнерами.

3. For a Global Community of Shared Responsibility

We live at a time in which the world's balance is changing. New powers in Asia, Africa and Latin America are coming onto the global stage. They will lessen the relative weight of the US and the West as a whole. The world of the future will have many voices. Our task must be to make sure this does not lead to a new "tower of Babel" situation.

We will only resolve the central issues facing mankind if we integrate these new powers into a global system of responsibility and make them reliable members of a new order. Only if they sit at eye level with us at the global table will they be prepared to accept global rules.

The world financial summit in Washington was a new start in this regard. The major "old" and "new" powers worked as equal partners on a framework for a new global financial system.

I will do what I can to ensure that we continue along this route -- not just on financial issues. We must expand the G-8 wisely and in so doing include the new emerging powers in a community of shared responsibility.

The global era requires new thinking. Everyone, every country, bears responsibility, not just locally and nationally, but also for our one world, for example regarding climate protection. Here we look to your country. Only if the US plays an active role will the talks on a new post-2012 climate protection agreement be successful. That is why we have high hopes and expectations of the turnaround in energy and climate policy you announced for your country -- away from oil towards renewable energies and greater energy efficiency. I feel the time has come for a close transatlantic energy and climate partnership, at political level, but also with joint development of new technologies. On climate protection, too, we can achieve the most if we act together.

4. "Change Has Come to America"

Who does not recall your moving address during the night after your election victory? Like no-one else you stand for change and a new beginning in your country, for social and ecological modernization, for greater opportunities through education, for a fairer health system, for a society where no-one is left behind, for determined action in a crisis.

Many people all over the world therefore feel they have a bond with you, also here in Germany.

"And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores ... our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared ..." -- this message, expressed in your victory speech, was directed not only towards America, but towards the whole world: Let us work together to shape our future.

That is music to our ears! We are looking forward to working with you and your Secretary of State. Welcome, President Obama!

Yours,

Frank-Walter Steinmeier